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Interviews

Rashida Bee, a woman of substance

Rashida Bee, President of the Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Stationery Karamchari Sangh (BGPMSKS) ushers me into her new office room. It has been recently built and smells of freshly painted doors and windows. A large window opens into a tree-lined avenue away from the din of the busy Hamidia Road. “At long last I have office space that belongs to me and the other office bearers of the Stationery Union. We have privacy and a place for brain storming,” she tells me with pride. She is accompanied by Champa Devi Shukla, the Secretary of the BGPMSKS. Others peer in to join the group and voice their opinion.
Together, Rashida Bee and Champa Devi have forged together an organisation of women that has transformed naïve women from conservative backgrounds into worldly-wise fighters. The goals of their struggle go beyond justice for themselves or other survivors of the Bhopal disaster to encompass the global struggle for justice against Corporate Crime.

Born on February 7, 1956 at Sohagpur, Hoshangabad District in Madhya Pradesh into an orthodox Muslim family, Rashida Bee’s early childhood was steeped in poverty. She never received any formal education and today she can read Urdu, Persian and Hindi but cannot write.

She came to Bhopal after she was married at the early age of 14. “I was brought up strictly in purdah and had no experience of the rough and tumble of life. My husband worked as a tailor but earned very little. I was married into a large family. I was soon to discover that my husband suffered from a mental ailment that made him forget his family responsibilities and leave home and disappear, sometimes for years together. He left me on and off. I was left pregnant and gave birth to a son. My in-laws heaped humiliation on me and I had to sell the little jewelry I had to feed myself and my son. My son contracted pneumonia and died. I did not even know the way to the hospital. I felt utterly abandoned.”

Rashida Bee went back to her paternal home and started
earning her living by rolling bidis, for which she earned
Rs 2 for 1,000 bidis. It was her first experience of economic independence. She returned to Bhopal and took up separate accommodation with her seven brothers and sisters.

“A year later the Bhopal Khand (disaster) happened. My husband had come back to live with me. We were all deeply affected by the gas. We could hardly breathe and started vomiting blood. A police van took us to the Jahangira Bagh Police Hospital. Even today I suffer from insomnia, deep depression and breathlessness. But that night I learnt the biggest lesson of my life. I saw people panic, run and fall down dead and unconscious. I told myself that I must learn to control my own destiny, to know the forces that determine my life.”

Six months later she came to know that the MP government had started a “yojna” (scheme) to give employment to women gas victims.

“As part of the programme two centres for production of office stationery were set up on November 25, 1985. 100 women, Hindu and Muslim, from severely exposed areas were selected and given training in production of file covers, writing pads, registers, note books and other stationery. We were paid a stipend of Rs. 150 per month. After commercial production began in April 1986, we were given jobs at a piece rate and the goods were supplied to the government press. My sisters and I thus became the family’s bread winners. I got my sisters and brothers married. My husband lost his ability to work altogether after the gas disaster and has been unemployed ever since.”

Rashida Bee looks back at her early struggle with mixed feelings. It gave her a sense of social consciousness and she felt that she was participating in a larger struggle after she saw the extreme suffering of the gas victims.

“It was at the production centre that I realised the extent to which women were being deprived of the rights and benefits to which regular employees are entitled. The women at the centre started organising themselves and an all women labour union was formed and registered in August 1987. The issues that we took up were adequate wages, leave facilities and the other basic rights of factory workers. We sat in front of the Chief Minister’s office for three months and chanted our laments and protests. A 1988 official directive recommended that the Factory Act should apply to the Stationery production centre. Following this, the women workers were paid monthly wages in place of the payment by piece rate. But even today, our wages are less than half of what is paid to regular government employees. In June 1988, we marched to Delhi on foot. We could not meet Rajiv Gandhi because he was away on election campaigning but the PMO [Prime Minister’s Office] made many promises. We continue with our fight.

Since the days when the Government was the main target of their protests and demands, Rashida Bee has of late spent much time leading the campaign to hold Dow Chemical – Union Carbide’s new owner – accountable to the people of Bhopal.

“On February 28, 2001, we protested in front of the Mumbai office of Dow Chemicals. The representatives of Dow agreed to negotiate with us but none of it yielded any results. So we stormed the Dow office on April 26, 2002. On June 26, 2002, we sat on a 19-day hunger strike in New Delhi demanding the former Chairman of UCC Warren Anderson’s extradition to India and trial. Over 1,000 persons from 10 countries joined our hunger strike. I have come a long way from the person I was!”

Soft spoken, dignified and yet remarkably articulate, Rashida Bee agrees to a taped interview. Today she is a leader of what she proudly describes as “woman power” (mahila shakti). And leadership has empowered her to view future action in both realistic and multidimensional terms. Widely travelled in Europe and US in all the cities where Dow Chemicals is situated, she has spoken to company officials, union leaders, and grass root workers. She has come to define “Bhopal” as a larger struggle against corporate crime and the need for corporate accountability.

SM: What is your present agenda? And what direction is your struggle going to take in the future?
RB: At one level our agenda is very simple, justice for Bhopal. We want criminal charges to be brought against Carbide. We want lifelong treatment for suffering victims, especially children who are born with defects. We want employment for those who are without jobs because they are physically incapacitated. We want the chemical wastes from the factory site to be cleaned up by Dow chemicals, which merged with Carbide in 2001. “Jhadoo maro Dow Ko” is our latest slogan. We chose the jhadoo (broom) because it is a domestic weapon and when a woman picks up a broom she means business. It is also a symbol of the act of cleaning. We are asking for something as basic as clean drinking water and clean air to breathe.

SM: What are your plans for the coming anniversary on 3rd December 2003?
RB: We have been fighting for the last 18 years and what have we achieved? Our fight is against a company that is truly big, a powerful multinational giant belonging to a powerful country. So a great deal of thought has to go into whatever shape our struggle is going to take. We are making big plans so that our show of strength will pressure the company to take up responsibility for what happened in Bhopal. When Champa Devi and I were recently in the US we discussed our plans with people from different walks of life. They agreed to a worldwide protest. On the 3rd [December], in different cities, people will gather in big and small numbers in front of offending companies and mark the day as a ‘black day’ against corporate crime. We will arouse the world’s conscience so that no thinking citizen will turn a blind eye to Bhopal.

SM: Can you narrate your experience of meeting the CEO of Dow Chemicals.
RB: We went to the shareholder’s meeting and put forward our questions. Our first question to [Dow CEO Mr. William Stavropoulos] was, “As the new boss who took over from Carbide, why haven’t you come to Bhopal to face pending [criminal] charges?” His reply was evasive, that no criminal charges are pending against Carbide. This was a blatant lie; he did not want to alarm the shareholders at the prospect of the financial burden on the company. But to mislead by withholding or misrepresenting information is a legal offense and we are seriously considering bringing charges against the company. Our next question to him was direct, “Are you going to take responsibility for Bhopal?” His reply was a firm “No”, insisting that the issue was between us and the Indian government. His contention was that we should approach our own government. He met us barely for two minutes, though we had been promised a 25-minute slot. He listened to me in total silence and his only response was a cursory expression of sympathy and a repetition that his company could do nothing.

SM: How did your meeting with other trade union bodies go?
RB: We met leaders of a steelworker’s union with a membership of over 15,000,000. They had heard of Bhopal but had no idea of the reality of the situation. Fed on misinformation, they believed that the gas victims had received ample compensation. When we presented them with the facts they were amazed to know the extent of damage and the gross injustice we had suffered. They saw the link between Bhopal and other communities suffering from polluting factories. Other trade union bodies have promised us full support. They will participate in protests, demonstrations, and boycott of products to tell the world what really happened in Bhopal. They agreed to speak to workers of Dow Chemicals to make them aware of the brutal reality of Bhopal. The fact that such a situation can be triggered off by sheer negligence and the culprits can simply flee from the scene of the crime and disown any responsibility is outrageous.

SM: Did you visit any Dow company in the US?
RB:
Yes, we visited a Dow company in Louisiana. The Area Director took us around and tried to tell us that they follow stringent safety rules. The company was situated in a poor locality mostly populated by African Americans. We were surprised at the extent of poverty. The area was thickly populated and there was only one escape route in case of a disaster. We were made to sit in a glass-covered jeep and given masks to wear. We saw leaking pipes and large drains with blackened, corrosive waste material. The officials accompanying us had rashes on their face and neck. They evaded our queries and did not allow us to talk to any workers. They insisted that things were in order, regular meetings were held to promote community awareness and that all waste material was filtered before being emptied in the river.

The Dow officials were sympathetic but utterly ignorant of the facts. Why did you merge with a company with such a notorious background was our query. Their set reply was that they thought all matters had been settled. They were lying, of course. So much has been written in papers and magazines and so much has been shown on television, how can they claim such gross ignorance? Why have two sets of safety rules, one applicable in India and one in America, we asked them. Is it because our lives have no value? They kept asking us what we wanted. As self-respecting Indians, we were only asking for dignity and right value of life. But I think we were talking at cross-purposes, for they could not, or would not, understand us.

SM: What was the impact of the hunger strike that you followed as protest in the US?
RB
: Actually, they do not understand the meaning of a hunger strike because they do not understand the meaning of hunger! It is a Gandhian method where self-denial is a mode of protest. It is a non-violent method without guns or force. We do not display anger or rancour, only the suffering that has been our lot, and ask for fulfillment of our demands. We were able to draw the attention of the public and make them aware of our cause. We used the public address system, people gathered in numbers, cars slowed down and we were able to distribute pamphlets. Many people agreed to join us in a 24-hour hunger strike to feel for the cause of Bhopal. I believe that a struggle always has a relay effect and people open their minds
and embrace what is alien and different. My struggle for justice has taught me the important lesson of solidarity. I have never felt alone in my battles.

SM: You had a recent labour court victory. Can you tell us about that?
RB:
This fight has been going on for 14 years. We are paid Rs. 2,200 when a government servant gets over Rs 5,000. Despite our victory, the MP government is doing nothing to implement the court’s order, which was passed over one month ago. We brought the delay to the notice of the authorities. We will sit on hunger strike and start picketing government offices. They have agreed to pay us arrears for 4 years. OK, we are willing to forego 14 years but surely this is our right.

SM: How much significance do you give to woman power?
RB:
Woman’s power is all-important. In the fight for justice in Bhopal, women have played a big role. They have had to discard their inhibitions, their sense of diffidence and learn the power of speech. They have had to participate in public fora. Women are naturally compassionate and intuitive. They are patient and they have a great deal of resolve to fight for their rights. In the beginning, we had no experience of collective action, but what spurred us on was the injustice done to us. Men are selfish and authoritative and want to be front-runners. Any organization, which has depended on men leaders in Bhopal, has become extinct. Women who are led by men can never become self-reliant for they start vying for attention.

SM: How does your organisation work?
RB:
We meet once a week and all decisions are taken democratically. If there is a difference of opinion, all voices are heard. We go on dharna in batches of 50. After all, as an all-women team we are vulnerable to police attack and arrest. We raise our own funds. For our court case, each woman was asked to pay Rs.100, or as much as she could afford, to pay the lawyer his fees of Rs.50,000.

SM: Tell me something about your mates in the organisation.
RB:
Champa didi and I are more than mates; we act in perfect coordination. There are 12 office bearers and workers at different levels. As an organization, we have never faced dissatisfaction or lack of trust amongst ourselves. They trust me with money and with whatever decision I take for the collective good. They know I will never act in collusion with the authorities nor will I stand to gain by being in the limelight. I take advice from men but the ultimate decision-making power rests with us. I believe that as a woman when I meet authorities anywhere in the world, I have better bargaining power. They listen to me. And I carry with me the experience of being a woman who has had to discover her strength the hard way. I feel I am a case in point, that a woman has to move outside the narrow confines of the domestic space to realise her potential.

The others are in full agreement with Rashida Appa, as she is lovingly called. One of them sums up matter rather succinctly, “A woman’s life involves discarding relationships that she has known from infancy and adopting strangers as her own. If she can face the world outside at such a fundamental level then why should any other struggle for empowerment scare her?”

Suroopa Mukherjee teaches English at Delhi University. She is the author of the book Bhopal Gas Tragedy – A Book For Young People published by Tulika, Chennai, 2002.

 

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